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Cost of Living Rise of 1,000 Zlotys’.
Men quickly gathered around to read the signs and leaflets,
ignoring the party officials calls to go back to work. A mass
meeting formed at one of the gates. Klemens Gniech, the manager,
argued and pleaded the workers not to form a strike committee.
The meeting was starting to loose steam as some workers began to
go back to their jobs. At that moment, a man embittered by the
deaths of the strikes of 1970, maddened by being imprisoned over
one hundred times, stepped out. This was a man who was still
furious over being fired four years earlier from that very
shipyard, a man who had a keen understanding of the workers
struggles, he jumped up to the bulldozer roof and yelled at
Gniech “Remember me? I gave ten years to this shipyard. But you
sacked me four years ago!” His name was Lech Walesa. He
turned to the men and women below him and shouted that an
occupation strike would begin now. He was cheered loudly, and
soon they were asking for him to be reinstated also.
No one realized what this would set off. By the next day
strikes began to spread throughout the ‘Triple-City’. The
demands were far bigger now, even asking for the right to
establish free trade unions. The leaders began to negotiate with
Gniech, but what they had not realized was that the whole city
basically gone on strike. The strike committee agreed on a 1,500
zloty pay raise, and was ready to return to work. Walesa went
outside and announced the news, to his surprise he was jeered.
He had misread the mood. Instantaneously he changed his mind and
went around the shipyard pleading everyone to continue
striking. The strike continued and it spread. One of the
biggest developments in the history of Polish strikes and
uprisings happened soon after. Intellectuals came in to help out
the workers in drafting documents and demands. They began what
eventually led to the legalization of trade unions. They played
for the high stakes, they issued ultimatums that said that they
would not negotiate until all political prisoners were freed.
These were demands that previously would not have been made.
With both groups working together, both benefited. The
government, having no choice, complied. The rest, as they say,
is history.
The Solidarity Union would soon have ten million members,
one-third of the Polish workforce. The changes that ensued
promised the downfall of socialism in Poland. Although martial
law slowed down the process in 1981, Solidarity was working in
the underground. Solidarity forced the roundtable talks that led
to free elections in 1989, and the eventual fall of communism,
not only in Poland, but in all the Soviet bloc countries.
The work of the Polish worker, and that of the Polish
intellectual accomplished what many thought would never happen.
Poland is a country with a history of uprisings, all of which
failed, except for this one. No other movement connected the
Polish intelligentsia and the Polish worker. Would Polish
insurrections have worked earlier in history if this was also the
case? One can always second guess, but it is clear the changes
that occurred in Poland, occurred because of the intellectuals
working with the workers. They had the vision, the workers had
the mass to demand that vision to become a reality.
Endnotes:
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