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higher rate of unemployment. The rising number of people who would require

financial assistance would rise dramatically, swamping, and maybe even

surpassing, the government?s ability to give aid. Quebec would have to create

new bureaucracy to replace current Canadian services that are designed to help

improve social problems such as teen pregnancy and elevated drop out rates.

Without federal funds, this would prove to be impossible, and in all likelihood

such problems would grow. Without a well educated work force Quebec will

flounder in the global marketplace, adding a further burden to the government

and people. History has proven that, in countries where there is such

instability and economic hardship crime rates skyrocket. For years the Quebecois

have complained of the repression of the French language and culture, and of

unfair treatment by the rest of Canada. Yet ninety percent of French Canadians

agree that the French language is more secure now than ever and that English

speaking Canadians believe that Quebec always has been and always will be a

respected, distinct society within Canada. To prove just how much they value

Quebec, the Supreme Court of Canada, in its interpretation of the Charter of

Rights and Freedoms, has recognized Quebec?s status as a distinct society, and

requires the consent of Ottawa and any seven provinces that make up at least

fifty percent of the population of Canada to make any changes. even that

hasn?t stopped Quebec?s or rather Parizeau?s and numerous other’s whining.

To further placate Quebec, many proposals for change have been suggested, such

as, 1) The restoration and formal recognition of Quebec?s traditional right to

a constitutional veto; 2) Jean Chretien has promised to never allow the

constitution to be changed in a way that affects Quebec without their consent.

It is obvious to anyone that Canada?s willingness to create such changes

demonstrates their desire to be a whole country, as well as how inflexible and

childish Quebec?s leaders really are. Third, leaving Canada would adversely

affect beyond just Quebec. The United States, Canada, and Mexico would all be

forced to decide whether or not they will accept Quebec into NAFTA, the North

American Trade Agreement. Also, Canada would face the possibility of breaking up

completely. "There are no guarantees," predicts Gordon Gibson, author

of Plan B: The Future of the Rest of Canada, "that there will be only one

new country." (If Quebec Goes, pg. 45). The secession of Quebec would

separate the Maritime provinces from mainland Canada and a unilateral

declaration of independence would most certainly result in a sharp drop in the

value of the Canadian dollar, plunging Canada into a terrible recession.

Canada’s dilemma, typically put, is the separation of Quebec. At least since the

rebellions of 1837-38, Quebeckers seemingly have been revolting against Canada.

The question has always been, "Will Quebec separate?" After a recent

referendum in Quebec almost answered yes, Canadians have begun to ask other

questions in more heated tones, such as, "Should Quebec be

partitioned?" Quebeckers, for their part, call partition dangerous,

undemocratic, and contrary to law. They regard it as a precedent that would

threaten the geopolitical balance in North America. So the tensions increase.

From the perspective of the United States, the right question is: What would

follow separation? This deeper question contemplates a Canada that may not only

split into two parts — Quebec and the rest of Canada — but that may continue

to break up. This view of the problem is much broader, and it holds consequences

in political, economic, and security terms that immediately draw the United

States into a far more dramatic set of developments. Continuing separation

potentially involves powers outside North America in special treaties and

coalitions. What starts as a simple breakup, could end in a complex process of

redefining the entire Canadian system, rooted in nationalist stresses that turn

out not to be restricted to former communist states and poor Third World

countries but to affect all multi-ethnic states in the post-Cold War order. This

more complicated picture of Quebec’s separation and its consequences may be

described as a worst-case scenario. But is the thesis of continuing Canadian

seperation after Quebec’s secession possible? Could North America fall apart?

(Will Canada Unravel?, Pg. 2) The United States must take the possibility

seriously enough to draw up plans for a form of supranational affiliation with

the remnants of Canada. Ottawa, regardless of the party in power, has always

argued that its problems of unity are manageable. While its strategy for dealing

with Quebec has changed over time, it remains confident that the province can be

convinced to remain in the confederation. Ottawa is similarly confident that if

Quebec were to separate, the rest of Canada would remain united. The principal

argument is that the problem is Quebec’s crazy demands for more everything. If

these demands are met, separation ideas will die. If they cannot be met and

Quebec does secede, English-speaking Canada will nonetheless remain unified

because the source of the difficulties would be gone. Separatist Quebec agrees

with Ottawa on this

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